Oklahoma Leader (Oklahoma City, Okla.), Vol. 3, No. 48, Ed. 1 Tuesday, October 10, 1922 Page: 8 of 8
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Editorial
Oklahoma Leader
Features
OKLAHOMA LEADER
rubllshed every day except Sunday by The Oklahoma Leader Co.
IF HE COULD SPEAK
Copyright, 19J3, by Star Company
WHAT OTHERS SAY
I
L)an Ilogan I
John Has el Business Manager
Advertising Representatives: New York, William D. Ward, Tribune
~ui!uing. (.'blcafo, Robt. E. Douglas, Marquette Building. Kansas
City, George F. Dillon, Republic Building.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES
By Mail:
One Year
Six Months $2.60
Three Months ..$1.25
By Carrier in City:
One Week $0.10
17 West Third Street, Oklahoma City, Okla.
P. O. Box 777. Telephone Maple 7600
Entered as second class mall matter June 1, 1! 18, at the Poatofflce
at Oklahoma City. Oklahoma^ und^r the Art of March 3. 187'J.
COMMIT THIS TO MEMORY
"The right ol the State to engage in any occupation
or business for public purposes shall not be denied nor
prohibited, except that the State shall not engage in
agriculture for any other than educational or scientific
purposes and for the support of its penal, charitable
and educational institutions."—Scctioy 31, Article 11,
Constitution of Oklahoma.
ASK MR. FIELDS ABOUT SOUTH DAKOTA
It ought t ' .o-isole John Fields to know that South
Dakota lias never been tainted with the ptomaines of Non-
partisanship it has always been a republican state. Neither
the withering, wasteful hand of Townley, nor the bolsheviki
policies of the socialists have ever cursed and contaminated
that fair state—it l.as been governed throughout its history
as a state, by its people—most of them farmers—under the |
name of the republican party.
But when John learns what they are doing up there he J
probably will not only not be comforted, but will be hu-
miliated beyond measure, for they are doing most of the
things which John says his party in Oklahoma can not, dare
not, tlo. And remember—do not forget—that there are no
Nonpartisans — no socialists masquerading as such — in
South Dakota.
The republicans of South Dakota went into the busi- j
ness of loaning money to the farmers at a very tow rate I
of interest; to secure funds for this purpose they issued and j
sold millions of dollars worth of bonds. They refused to j
be held up by the cement trust and established a state- [
owned ana operated cement plant in the Black Hills to |
provide paved roads for the whole state; they bought out-
right a big coal mine in North Dakota which will provide
fuel at cost of production and they have planned to establish
a great water power project which will furnish the farms I
and towns of the state with electric light, heat and power at
cost.
And do these republicans in South Dakota, putting over
this program, encounter opposition? Most assuredly. Op-
position comes from a very small minority—from those
who, like John Fields in Oklahoma—think that the money
trust, the cement trust, the coal trust and the electric light
and power trust, should be permitted to tax the people of
that state to any extent necessary to bring handsome re-
turns on their inflated investments and watered slock. Nor
is this opposition confined to republicans, it comes from
democrats of the same stripe and source of inspiration as
those who compose the "good government" club of Okla-
homa City.
Let us repeat—let us drive this great truth home—that
this is not a political fight in Oklahoma, it is an economic
fight. It is the masses, represented by Walton on one hand,
and the classes—the privileged classes—represented by
John Fields on the other. In this struggle the men who own
the big banks, the railroads, the big utility plants, the coal
mines, the cement trust and the insurance companies—
they are expected to support Fields. The exploited victims
of those owning and controlling these special privileges
ought to support Mr. Walton, and they ought to do this
whether they are republicans, democrats or socialists, for
Rig Business skins them all alike.
keep out
of europe's
quarrels!
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DIVERSIFIED FARMING BUNK
BUILDING HOUSES FOR USE
No conspicuous originality is displayed when we re-
mark that the average dwelling is built to rent, not to live in.
Even when it is built for the owner to live in, the contractor
builds it for profit, not for use. Every person with a rea-
sonable endowment of perceptive faculties is familiar with
the cheap way in which buildings arc flung together.
Manchester. England, had to have houses for its people
to live in. The city council decided to put through a city
housing proposition. In doing so, it adopted three methods
of getting the houses built. First, it let contracts to private
contractors for some of the houses. Second, it built some
of them itself, hiring labor direct. Third, it let some of the
contracts to a building guild composed of building trades
workers.
The results are illuminating.
The same kind of house was built by direct labor and
by the guild for about five hundred dollars less than by the
private contractors. Furthermore, these houses were built
far better. The houses built by private contractors were
skimped in every possible way—as usual—are are already
in need of repair. Those built by directly employed labor
and by the labor guild were well and substantially built.
They were built honestly.
Commenting upon this remarkable showing, The Labor
Leader, organ of the Independent Labor Party of England,
• ys, "After all, the craftsman's love of his craft and his
interest in the work he is performing (which capitalism and
machinery has done so much to destroy) is a commercial
as well as a moral asset."
In short, the workers who were hired direct by the city,
and those who worked in the labor guild, felt that they were
making houses for use, not for the profit of a money-grab-
bing contractor. This gave them back the pride of workman-
ship which capitalism had filched from them—and they did
such a splendid job that the contrast is notorious.
Minnesota Star.
The present drive for diversified
farming is probably unparalleled in
the northwest. Newspapers, politi-
cal elements and educational agen-
cies otherwise reactionary are
championing this movement as
though it were an issue to be set-
tled at the ballot box. The ques-
tion arises, what are the merits of
this special campaign, and what is
behind it?
The advantages claimed for di-
versified farming are, a much bet-
ter condition of the soils from a
rotation of crops, bigger crops
from better cultivation, a bettor
utilization of feeds and by-products,
less waste, and less risk. But
these very advantages become dis-
advantages under our present crazy
system of monopolized and specula-
tive markets for the simple reason
that they cause an increase in
farm production, glut the markets
and force prices down; whereas,
the farmers are now producing
more than the monopolized and
closed markets of today readily
absorb.
The advantages of diversifip-1
farming appear when we compare
scientific diversified farming with
the present prevailing methods of
raising partcular crops. But what
about a scientific method of special-
izing on certain crops? Specializa-
tion is supposed to be a good thin-'
in trade and industry and in many
other matters; then why should it
not be good in farming? Why
should there not be an advantage
in the farmer specializing on the
crops best adapted to his section
and his farm, provided he confines
himself to enongh specialties prop-
erly to rotate and keep his soils in
good condition? Isn't it the spe-
cialist who always does the best
work and produces most? The rich-
est farmers in the United Stat, s
today are the specialists in prod-
ucts like Bermuda onions. Hudson
Valley pears, Concord grapes, Flor-
ida grapefruit, the celery that is
grown only in certain parts of
Michigan, California raisins.
Another question that presents
itself is, why is it that so many
farmers specialize on certain crops,
if diversified farming is so much
more advantageous? Do poliUcians
and editorial wiseacres know more
about these matters than the farm-
ers themselves? The present drive
for diversified farming is presump-
tive and insulting to the intelli-
gence of the farmers, to say the
least. The farmers in the long run
do exactly what is most practical
under the circumstances. Our
present methods of farm produc-
tion arc a natural adaptation 10
market conditions. They are inef-
ficient nd faulty oxactly to the ex-
tent that the market system is in-
efficient and faulty.
This brings home the fret that
the present intensified drive for di-
versified farming is mainly a politi-
cal diversion at a time when the
farmers are suffering so intensely
from disastrous market conditions
that their dissatisfaction is liable
to express itself at the ballot box.
It is the old party politicians, the
old party papers and the old party
leaders like Governor Preus and
Governor Nestos of North Dakota
(and John Fields of Oklahoma.—
Editor Leader) who are harping
most on diversified farming. If
they can create the impression that
it is bad framing method that are
to blame for present agriculturtl
conditions, and that the farmers
More Truth Than Poetry
By James J. Montagu*
(CopjTUkt, 1M1, Tb« B«ll ByndKmta. las.)
can regain prosperity by changing
their method of fanning, they can
prevent what they fear might be a
political overturn that would retire
them to private life.
Hhis propaganda is utterly mis-
leading and dangerous to the fann-
ers. There is posiUvely no way the
farmers can permanently better
their condition, except to use their
political power with the help of
labor to break the market monop-
oly and establish just market con-
ditions.
When this is done diversified
farming will become a boon to
the farmers whenever conditions
are right for it, and so will spe-
cializing farming.
WE ARE LOST
Sam Flint.
"A wave of socialist propaganda is rolling over America."
United States Attorney General Daugherty says it.
It is so. Daugherty would not lie. If he would lie,
Harding would not have him in his cabinet. For Harding
is president. And the president can do no wrong.
Would to God that the red wave were a little one! But
its size is enormous! It fills nearly all of the space within
the sweep of our vision!
Heaven help us, men, here it comes now! It is right
upon us!
No earthly power can stop the thing! No power but the
power of—DAUGHERTY!
And IIE can't stop it.
Wait. Let's see—
YES, HE CAN! DAUGHERTY CAN STOP IT!
How?
By stopping freedom of speech and the right of peace-
able assemblage. By dynamiting the foundation stones of
free government.
After the foundation is jarred asunder, rugged blocks
of granite will lie strewn about. These Daugherty can pick
up and hurl at the tidal wave of Red Propaganda.
Thus the wave will be destroyed.
What else will be destroyed besides the wave and the
foundation of free government?
The edifice resting upon that foundation will be de-
stroyed.
Will nothing at all remain?
Daugherty will remain. The president who made Daugh-
erty will remain. The plutocracy who made the president
will remain.
Nothing else?
Not a thing.
Is all of this unavoidable?
I'm glad you asked.
It is NOT unavoidable—that is, IF Daugherty will im-
part to us his secret.
1 hope that he'll tell us at once and not keep us waiting.
The one thing for him to tell us is this:
What is the name of the foreign country where the
socialists have accumulated this marvelous fund with which
to start the mountain-high wave of propaganda which is
rolling over the world ?
All the socialists that we have ever known were poor.
Most of them are in debt. None of them can finance a po-
litical campaign. Their newspapers are dying in their tracks
for the want of a crust.
So tell us, Daugherty, about this amazing country which
you have discovered, where socialists make so much money
that they are dissatisfied. If you will just tell it to us we
will tell it to the socialists in our midst. And we'll do it in
a hurry. For we would like to have these 'drowning rats
quit us in mid-ocean. It would be a pretty sight to behold
them boldly striking out from our Ship of State—the ship
which they say is sinking.
But you must point to some lovely shore, or they will
not start.
And bear this in mind: there is no time like the present.
So be quick! Raise your index finger and—POINT!
THE LOAFER'S CONFESSION
"Why Do We Say"}
-J
DRINK AS A LORD.
"Drunk as a Lord" is not so fre-
quently heard since the Eighteenth
amendment was written into the
Constitution, but it is still very
much used in England, where it
originated.
When George III was king, ?jid
for years after his reign was over,
many fine old English gentlemen
thought it quite the proper thing to
adopt his swearing habits and his
fancy for strong drink. To be
"drunk as a Lord" was the surest
mark of gentility and a "three bot-
tle man" a pattern of sobriety. Aft-
er dining, it was considered no
disgrace to roll helplessly under
the table.
From earliest youth I've endeavored,
With an earnest and purposeful mind,
To keep my activities severed
From labor of every kind.
I did all the things that a boy did
Who dearly delighted to shirk.
And what I most gladly avoided
Was work.
No college I ever attended:
Because, if I did so, I knew
That I would be deeply offended
At the work they would ask me to do.
At learning a trade or profession,
I always was swift to recoil;
I had not the least prepossession
For toil.
I seldom have sought a position
In office, in mart or in mill
Because of a lurking suspicion
That it might not be easy io fill.
When I've had paying jobs, I've resigned 'em,
For my pride in my wages was marred
By the fact I was certain to find 'em
Too hard.
I thought I was crafty and clever
This indolent course to pursue,
And to dodge any share whatsoever
In the labor that other folks do.
But now, my existence reviewing,
I have lost my self-satisfied smirk,
For I find that the thing I've been doing
Is work.
JACK WALTON
JOHN MASON.
Who is our leader in this fight
For simple justice, truth and right*
Who, firm as the Rock of Ages,
stands
Flat-footed for the Shawnee de-
mands?
Jack Walton.
Who stands for us, and will not
flinch—
Nor back—nor halt—nor budge an
inch
In spite of threat—and lie—and
j bribe
Of all the parasitic tribe?
Jack Walton.
I Who is he that does not prate
: But strikes out from his shoulder
straight
With truth (the weapon that he
wields)
And crumples up poor Johhny
Fields?
Jack Walton.
At Packingtown the wily gang—
, Who for us folks don't care a
dang—
Even tried to steal our campaign
thunder
And slip their spurious platform
Under
Jack Walton.
Who then stood up. like a colossus,
And swore he'd never double-cross
us—
Be dinged if he would risk his
shanks
By standing on their rotten planks?
Jack Walton.
O Jack, you won our confidence
Wben you spoke out without pre-
tense.
You nobly stood the acid test;
i Now one name's honored 'bove all
the rest—
JACK WALTON.
1 A man we've found of purest gold,
' Cast In the Jeffersonian mold—
I Fashioned on the Lincoln plan
A truly great—plain- common man;
Jack Walton.
FACTS AI10UT RAILROAD PROFITS
KRAZY KAT
£ANk
A Little High Finance
VMUtV
Levi Stevens Lewis.
A. J. County, vice president of the Pennsylvania Railroad
company, complains that the railroads must haul a ton of
freight more than five miles in order to realize a profit of
| one cent. He claims such a low rate of profit "must be
| remedied" if the best interests of trade and commerce are
j to be conserved.
| There are at least two errors in Mr. County's claim,
j First: The carriers realize a much greater rate of profit
than one cent for each ton hauled a distance of five miles,
which is two mills profit for each ton hauled one mile.
Second: A profit of only two mills per ton per mile,
| yields most fabulous profits. For instance:
The Union Pacific Railroad company operates 3,704 miles
j of line according to the reports of the interstate commerce
] commission and earns §>21,038,598 clear net profit per year—
8105,192,992 total profit from its rail operations only during
I the five calendar years 1916-1920.
At a profit of two mills per .ton per mile one train haul-
ing 2500 tons earns $5.00 profit for each mile of track.
If one train earns ¥5.00 profit per mile of track, twenty
trains earn $100 for each mile traveled. There are hot less
than twenty trains operating over the lines of the Union
Pacific, say ten trains east and ten trains west, every day in
the year. At a profit of $100 per mile in 24 hours the profits
of the Union Pacific in 265 days if it operates no more than
3,704 miles (as reported) is not less than $135,196,000, or
$570,787,008 more in five years from its freight traffic ex-
clusively, than the net profits realized from all transportation
operations including, of course, both the freight and passen-
ger profit plus the profit realized from eighteen other sources
of revenue is reported to have been. These figures can be
easily verified.
And the Union Pacific operates much more than 3,701
miles of line—9,456 miles all told.
Evidently Mr. County presumes rather too much on the
ignorance of the American people, however much such ig-
norance really is, and it certainly is exceedingly great.
When the senior vice president of the New York Central
lines declared in 1908 that all that's involved in "the trans-
portation problem isn't appreciated by any of us, not even
faintly," he spoke well within the limits of the truth.
It is reported, officially, that on December 31, 1920, there
were 47,111 stockholders of the Union Pacific on that date.
The facts here cited should be of particular interest to
each one of them.
—By UEKRIMAN
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Ameringer, Oscar & Hogan, Dan. Oklahoma Leader (Oklahoma City, Okla.), Vol. 3, No. 48, Ed. 1 Tuesday, October 10, 1922, newspaper, October 10, 1922; Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. (https://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc100147/m1/8/: accessed May 3, 2024), The Gateway to Oklahoma History, https://gateway.okhistory.org; crediting Oklahoma Historical Society.