Mayes County Republican. (Pryor, Okla.), Vol. 9, No. 35, Ed. 2 Thursday, October 26, 1916 Page: 4 of 6
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SPEECH OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT
AT W1LLES-BARRE PA.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1916
1 him eooeptod the invitation to eon*
to WIDcto-Btm to diaoum tb« Adamson
tow, beoatuo Wllkoo-Barre to th* btod,
QOMtoi* of tho |wt industry In oonnoo,
tloo with which I mynelf u praoidtct
wm brought Into olooo end intimito touch
with tho Ubor movement in thii oountry,
If whet I have to eay to of any value It
nm»t bo not only became it repreaento
wbat in tbo abstract to right, but alio be-
oonoo in the oonento I applied in actual
practice, when' I had power, the principlee
which I eritictoe Ur. Wilton for not ap-
plying now. Therefore, I with to recapi-
tulate to you jutot what occurred in con-
nection with tho anthracite coal itrike and
to contraat it with what Mr. Wilton hat
dona in connection with the law for the in- i
create of wage* on railroads.
At the outoet, I with to exprett my
▼ory hearty admiration for the Brother-
their daoition was rendered the work of
inioing thould go on in the latercsti of
tb. people at a whole. When the mint
untiart, backed by and repreaenting the
muet powetful financial Internet! of the
oountry, poiitively refuted to arbitrate, 1
proceeded to appoint an arbitration com-
mission without regard to them; aecuriog
Ihe conn nt of a political opponent, ex-
President Grover Cleveland, to serve at
the head of that commission. 1 raw the
Lieutenant Central of the Army and ar-
ranged with him that if neceasary 1 would
put the nruiy in poaaeeaion of the mines
and would treat him as a receiver to run
the mines, and aec that neither aide inter-
fered with the running. When it became
evident that I meant what I taid, that
both aidaa could count on my endeavor to
do strict justice, and that they could also
count on my inaiah’yg ihat the publto
booda. I am proud of the fact that I am 1 nceJ‘ be immediately met, the capitalists
an honorary member of one of them. I
have usually been in entire aympathy with
them. While I held public office I found
myeelf in the vast majority of cates able
to support them in their demanda, because
these demands were right. But now they
have demanded legislation raising their
wages to be taken without invettigationl
and without the exercise of that form of
judgment shown by a competent arbitra-
tion commission; and euch a demand is
wrong, and I stand against it because it
is wrong, exactly as I have stood against
the demands of bankers and lawyeri, and
mine-owners and railroad president* when
they were wrong, I believe in labor unions.
I am proud that I am myself an honorary
member of a labor union. But I believe
first of all is the Union to which all of us
belong, the union of all the people of the
whole United States.
In ths case of the settlement of the an-
thracite coal strike, the action I took was
of precisely the kind which President Wil-
son now says the law sbonld make obli-
gatory in all similar cases in the future.
But Mr. Wilson himself admits that bis
own action waa to bad that it ought nev-
er to be repeated, for he haa assured the
public that although Congress hat ad-
journed without doing anything, it it bit
intention when Congress meets to see that
it does something to render it impossible
for another President ever to repeat ex-
actly wh&t he hat jnst done. In other
words, I stood and stand by my action aa
the proper action, constituting the proper
precedent for future action. Mr. Wilson
himself confesses that his action waa
wrong and that the precedent thereby set
it to evil that legislation must be en-
acted rendering it impossible for another
President ever to repeat, the action.
There is another point of difference and
a vital point. The action I took wa* in-
tended to meet the situation at once. The
action that Mr. Wilson took has been de-
ferred ao that it ahall not take place until
considerably after election.
Fourteen years ago the great anthracite
coal itrike had occurred in this region.
From ths beginning I put the govern-
mental agents in touch with the situation
and kept myself thoroughly informed to
that I should be able to act immediately
if it became neceaeary for me to act. I
hoped that it would not be necessary, and
that the parties themselves would come to
an agreement; for I was very loath to in-
terfere if it could be avoided. But cold
weather approached, a coal famine men-
aced the entire eastern section of the
United States, and there was not the
■lightest symptom of an agreement being
reached by the contending parties. I felt
that the time had come for me to act. On
the one tide were the greatest and weal-
thiest mine-owners of the country, inti-
mately connected with the wealthiest and
most powerful industrial and railroad cor-
porations in the country. The financial
strength of Wall Street was behind them.
These men absolutely refused to arbitrate.
They said there was nothing to arbitrate,
that I had no power under the Constitu-
tion to act, and that the public could not
interfere, nor the representatives of the
public, with the way in which they man-
aged their business. The repreeentstives
of the mine workers, of labor, on the con-
trary, expressed their entire willingness to
arbitrate and demanded nothing except
that as one of the conditions of arbitration
there ebonld be some representative of
organized labor to ait together with the
representatives of capital and of the public
at large. I made every effort to get the
two sides to egree. When I failed, I de-
cided that I would act myself. I held
that where the public necessity was na-
tional and imperative it became the duty
of tbe Chief of the Nation to act. I held
that in any such gigantic controversy be-
tween labor and capital, containing such
a threat to the welfare of tbs great body
of our people, there were three parties in
internet: via., tbe capitalist, tbe working-
men, and the people as a whole; and that
where the public need was vital that naed
most controL
I held, moreover, that In any ease of
each importance and such interest we mutt
have fall knowledge before final action on
any of tbe points at issue wet taken, and
that this knowledge must be obtained by
an unbiased body of arbitrators after a
thorough study of tbe situation. I held
that the power of Government most he
used to make effective tbe findings of
this body, and that pending th* findings
th* work of mining must gu on because
the public need demanded it. Therefore, 1
decided that I would us* tbe entire power
of the nation to aee that there was an arbi-
tration by dispassionate experts, and that
th* eanriurfun* of ttart
by tooth tod*j
was ap-
yielded and the commission
pointed.
\ou know the rest, you miners here!
Work was resumed in the mines immedi-
ately, on the old terms, which continued
until the commission rtported. The Com-
mission consisted of as able and ns im-
partial men ss there were in the countty,
including the head of the Order of Rail-
way Conductors, Mr. Clark, ft also in-
cluded among others, t Federal Judge, a
skilled engineer, a trained labor expert
and a beloved friend of mine, Archbishop
Spaulding, of Illinois, whosa interest in
the welfare of the workingmen was genu-
ine and sympathetic, snd also under-
stood with entire clearness that in the
long run justice to the workingmen could
be permanently secured, only if it wot
made part of a scheme to eecur* justice
for everybody concerned.
The arbitration was succesaful. I un-
derstand that with alight modification!,
you have continued to operate the mines
under its terms up to the present day.
More important still, it set the precedent
for tbe course that ought to be followed
in all disputes of this nature hereafter.
Mr. Wilson, on the contrary, has set a
precedent which he himself admita munt
never hereafter be followed if justice Is to
be done. Tbia to a vital point of differ-
ence between the conduct of the Chief Exe-
cutive in one case and in the other. When
fourteen years ago, I acted, there was no
precedent for me to follow, and no estab-
lished instrumentalities through which to
work. I had to establish the precedent
in order to meet a greet erisis. I had to
crest* my own instrument, th* arbitration
commission. Mr. Wilion had before him
the precedent I had created, and he had is
instruments ready to hand the Arbitration
Board, and the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission, with it* enlarged power*. But he
failed to follow the precedent, or to use
the instruments which were ready to his
hand. I, although lacking the agencies of
tow for the application of the principle,
nevertheless applied it, and estab' \ed ar-
bitration in tbe settlement on tbe. merits
of industrial disputes. Mr. Wilson, with
all the agencies of law subject to bit com-
mand, ignored them, destroyed the prin-
ciple of arbitration in ths settlement of
Industrial disputes, and put a premium on
securing this settlement by threat and du-
ress.
President Wilson in his speech of Au-
gust 20th and September 23d has furnished
his own condemnation out of hia own
mouth. In them bs explicitly condemns
exactly what be haa done and actually d*
mends legislation which will make impos-
sible the repetition of such a proceeding!
This is so extraordinary an attitude that
I quote his own words. He said he wished
"to provide" against "the recurrence of
euch unhappy situations in the future" by
securing "the calm and fair arbitration of
all industrial disputes in the days to
come.” This is sn explicit assertion that
arbitration of all industrial disputes is
the right method of action; and therefore
that he had adopted the wrong method
of action—although in the case of
the anthracite coal strike be had an
exact precedent in point, by following
which he would have enforced tbe right
method.
President Wilson further says, “Thia is
assuredly the beet way of vindicating a
principle, namely, having failed to make
certain of ita observance in tho present to
make certain of its observance in the fu-
ture." On the contrary, this is th# very
worst way of vindicating s principle. In-
deed, it is impossible to devise a worse
way of vindicating a principle, than to
flinch Ignominious); from enforcing it in
tbe case at issue and at tbe same time to
seek to cover the ignominy by vociferous
protestations about applying it in tbe ne-
bulous future. Th* earn* piper, tbe New
Vork Times, from which 1 quote tb* tl«v*
sentences, contained statement* from tbe
leaders of tbe Brotherhoods whom he wa*
befriending, in which they said that they
would never consent to th* legislation pro-
viding for future arbitration for which
President Wilaon asked; and President
Wilson kept a weak and nervous silence
about this defiance. He did not get the
legislation which he declared was essential
to "vindicate the principle" in the future
All that he accomplished was th* violstioa
Preeident Wilson further said, while try-
ing to gloss-over his timidity in tbe pree-
«»t by sssuining an attitude ol frowning
defiance aa regards tbe nebulous future,
that the American people muet be made “a
partner in the settlement of diiputee that
interrupt th* life of the nation," that it
must "enforce the partnership and see to
it that no organisation to stronger than
that organisation to which w* all belong,
onr own Government," and that we, the
people, must say to any outiid* organiza-
tion that it “must not interrupt tb* Na-
tional life without consulting us." These
are fine words about th* future. They tie
intended to cover up, but a matter of
toct, they furnish the strongest condemns
tion of Mr. Wilson’s deed in ths present.
'In these words Mr. Wilson exactly de-
scribes what he ought to have doue with
the Brotherhoods, and sxplieitly condemns
the action which bs In fset took. If tbe
principles ht laid down were good hr
ths future, they wen good hr tbs present.
Do It now, Mr. Wltoon! Do not use fins
| words about what so ms body else ought to
do in th* future in order to cover your own
shameful abandonment of duty in the pres-
ent.
Mr. Witoon ho* adroitly maintained that
th* question et imoe was the eight-hour
day. This is not all fact. Tba question at
issue was th* question of wages. Tbe lew
does not say that there shall be an eight-
hour day. It saya that tight hour* ahall
"be made the meaeure of a day’s work for
the purpose of receiving compensation."
In other words, it waa primarily an
increase of wages and not a diminu-
tion of hours that was aimed at.
I believe in tbe eight-hoar day. It _
the idea! toward which w# should trend.
But I believe that thara muet be common
sente at well aa common honesty In achiev-
ing tbe ideal. Mr. Wilson haa laid down
the principle that there is something sa-
cred about the eight-bour day which makes
it improper even to discuss it. If this to
to, if it it applied universally, then Mr.
Wilson is not to be exensed for not apply-
ing it immediately where he has complete
power, and that is in his own household.
If the principle of tbe eight-hour day to
•acred and not to be changed under any
circumstances, then tbe housemaid, whe
Mr. Gompert haa recently established
himself as tbe especial champion of Mr.
Wilson, and claim* joint credit with Mr.
Wilson for their joint conflnot of our for-
eign affairs so tar ae Mexico to conoernod.
of lb* principle in th* present, in the con-
crete case at ime. The only *w be se-
cured established the precedent of viola-
tion of th* principle. All that be did was
to establish the most evil of all precedents
for a democracy, tb* precedent of violat-
ing a principle under tb* dorees of threat
and menace. It to a precedent which will
return to plague us throughout 111 future
time whenever w* have in th* Whit*
Hook t President who to timid in the fact
of threat of obyiisal violence or who
(fury to tho hop* of
in Mr. Wilsoo'a house arises at sevea must
be left off at three in the afternoon; and
if Mr. Wilson's butler is kept up after a
State dinner until ten, he must not come
on until two of the following afternoon,
and no hired man on a farm must get up
to milk the cows in tbe morning unleee he
quits work before milking time arrive*
that same evening. Of course, the simple
truth is that under on* set of condition*
an eight-hour tow may be too long or at
least may represent the very maximum of
proper work; wbareaa there may be other
conditions under which a man working
more than eight houn on* day gets on*
or two days of complete leisure following,
or where the work is intermittent through-
out the day, or is of to reey or viried a
type that no exhaustion accompanies it, or
where a rush of work for a few days will
be compensated by complete leisure on cer-
tain other days. It is ridiculous to <ay
that an engineer of a high-speed* train un-
der especially difficult conditions, an en-
gineer of a low-speed train, under very
much easier conditions, a farm laborer in
harvest time, a man engaged at a watch-
man through the quiet work of the night,
or a man engaged in the exhausting work
of a steel puddler in a continuous seven-
days-s-week, night and day industry,
should be governed by precisely the same
rule, or by th* same rigid application '
detail of • sound general principle.
I heartily believe is a proper limitation
by law of hours of work in tbe railroad
service, and 1 recommended legislation to
that effect when I wa* President. I be-
lieve in the wage* in any industry being
just st high si it to possible to nuke them
without injustice to tbe capital invested
snd to the publie which to served. But
it it a mere truism to say that it to i®
possible to get this idea! achieved unices
an honest and dispassionate effort to first
made by the proper commission to ascertain
the full facte in the particular case. Aa
regards the railrotds, we have to consider
tbe wage* paid to tbe different classes of
employee*, th* interest ob th* Investment,
th* earning power of th* road, and th*
kind of sendee that must be rendered to
the public. It to impoesibl* to secure
proper solution of the problem unleee all
these factors are considered. Mr. Wilson
absolutely declined to consider any of
them. He declined even to ask whst they
were. We have not st this moment one
particular of trustworthy information
which will enable us A decide whether
the demands of the men were just or not.
1 wish it distinctly understood that I am
not trying to pass judgment.upon the jus-
tice of the case. I regard the engineers,
firemen and enginemea and trainmen gen-
erally ae doing peculiarly responsible and
arduous work, and entitled to particular
consideration as regards both hours of
labor and pay. I hop* that they ere fully
entitled as s metter of justice to wbat they
will receive under the Ademeon bill end
if it so appears I shall heartily support it.
But I protest agsinst the far-reaching evil
of the precedent set in tbe method which
has been followed. We ire denied knowl-
edge. We see Congress forced to act under
threats. I protest against any law passed
under auch duress. I protest against th*
case being decided without giving etch
party it* day in court, and above all with-
out giving the public it* day in court. I
hope the demands of the men were just,
and would have been proved so to be, if
investigated before a eompetent body. But
I explicitly protest against any action by
tbe Government when no in»*»tiptlen ha*
been held to see whether tbe claims ere
or are not just, and when they sr*
granted through fear snd not as a matter
of right.
Remember it is tbe public that in the
end will pay. You do not have to take my
assertion for this. Take tbe snertion of
Mr. Wilton’s master in this matter Tb*
Union leaders, through their Chairman,
Mr. Gerreteon, announeed that "they
would etoadily refue# to arbitral« and that
In their action they wera supported by
th* Preeident of the United 6tetes.” They
stated their case in a nutsheD et follews:
"In times like this, men go hack to primal
inetinct—to the day of the caveman with
his half-gnawed bone, snarling at the over
eavemsn who wanted to take bis lion*
away. W« leaders are fighting for our
men. The railroads art fighting for their
stockholders; and th* shippers for I hem-
selves. And tb* public will pay.” Mr.
Gerreteon ie right—the public will pay.
And It will pay without having hid >h»
chance to know whether it ought er ought
not to pay. Mr. Wilson betrayed tbs pub-
lic when he refuted to insist that tbe con
a Democrat of ths stamp of Andrew Taek-
•on or Grover Cleveland had been Presi-
dent. The futility inhered eolely in Mr.
Wilson himself. If President Wilson had
stood by the honor and the interests of
the United States in this matter; if he
had insisted upon a full investigation be-
fore action; if he hid insisted upon arbi-
tration and had announced that if there
was any attempt to tie up tbe traffio of
the United 8tates he would use the entire
power of th* United States to keep the ar-
teriei of traffio open, I would have ap-
plauded him and supported him. But, to
take such action needed courage. It need-
ed disinterestedness. It was necessary that
the man taking it should put duty to ----
th* nation flyst and political and personal labor movement there. For the
considerations last. What President Wil- ot whet I speak, I refer you to
son did was to permit the overriding of! ®en,'tor Fall’s recent speeches, where tho
justice by appeals to brute force. | "sct Quotations ar* given. Mr. Gom-
He lay* that it would have been “fu-1 PfrV,^ th.,t Jh#B 4,1 othw M*»-
tile” to show courage and stoml up for cle* “ *d m tht *ffort t0 •**«« the ree-
the Adamson bill.
wageworker
bands and for tbe firmer. I will do every-
thing that in me lies for their permanent
|ood, except anything that to wrong, and
that I will do tor no man. I speak oat of
my deepest convictions end as conscien-
tiously at It to In my power to speak whan
eign snaire so far as Mexieo is concerned. ,I **y to you that I believo that Mr. WU-
,! „ 1* tobor to support Mr. Wltoon spe- ; son’s action In connection with th* Adam-
cifically on the ground of Mr. Wilson’s
attitude in Mexico, which, ho states, he
has helped to seoure. Ho says, for exam-
ple, that he wa* largely instrumental in
securing the recognition of Carranxa in
Mexico, becaus* of Ctrrenxa'* sympathy
jjwwasBaiB i) ufi'Mim
I Editorial Comments. 1
son bill is deeply prejudicial to th* real
I and permanent Interests of the laboring
man. I say to yon with deepest con-
viction that if yon yourself wil) look back
you will find that on the average, the wage-
worker has prospered more when this;
country has been under a protective tariff
than when th* protective tariff hae been
»o low as not to give protection to our
immense snd varied industries; and above
•11, to tbs mon working in those Indus-
trie*. As you know, I hove slwayt stood
tho right From ths'standpoint'of the n’a- Tjtion of, Corrania by President.Wilson, for tb* tariff only to tb* dogre* in which
‘l°n. the worst type of futility in a Presi- Voi" P "lr7* 8*pUra^..Mdl *!>• b«'*a‘ *“ reasonably shared botweoa
office
dont to to fail to stand up for the right.
President Wilson felt it was futile to op-
pose these men, exactly as President Bu-
chanan, his spiritual forbear, felt in 1860,
that it was futile, to oppose secession. That
type of futility gives the real measure of
sir sjst •*- - -
Uompers continues by saying that Oar-
ranzn was recognized u the friend of th* tomething
working people in Mexico. On September anything.
2d, 1916, Mr. Gompers appealed for tbe 1
pay envelope*. I stand
i for that division now. But there must be
divide, or nobody will got
1
tb. man who' practical' it." WhS^ ">PP°rt ofkMp men tor'Mr. Wilson on | ‘ “k ** 'f*
ehanan considered futile Lincoln made 41he ground of Mr. Wilson'’• policy st re- ■ nl
heroic. 8'rd« Mexico. H* thus tied himstlf up 7. “T* yenrs.sgo tost spring. H*
T rtiamni/sn if. n i, , . _r with Messrs. Wilson and Carranxa as on* ,la n* ° ,TT
Wilron b^csuse in trre^ffiA*retoto Mr' °f the triumTI'™te which exercise* suprem*
W W 7 T ,Cn"9 in Mexican matter*. This makes it
h. w?l^toM T tbu worth while tor th« worker* to whom Mr
,* T'“£*ld t0. f“r- he Wj? not yield (}olnper9 especially appeals to study what
Mr J ^ v“bH *?* -°f r»rran“, the favored friend and ally of
m P "! h,m.t.° ,b* m' Messrs. Gompers and Wilson, has done to
eapabl* of yielding in such a crisis to any i«w,„. ! , ,
threat, whether mad. by politicians, cor- Z i V i °f
poretion. or labor leadsre. Mr \
T . . Mi. Gompers states that when Carrania
1 ••way* stood for the nghta of refused to surrender the American soldien
. ----- for the right* of
labor. Yon miners before me know that.
I stood for you, and I incurred the hostil-
ity of the greatest financial powers of the
land by to doing, and 1 have felt that hos-
tility in public life ever since. But I did
not care, because I knew that my course
was right. I stood by you because I be-
lieved you were right. If I had been the
type of man who wss willing to stand by
you when you were wrong, I would never
have dared to stand by you when you were
right, against such opposition ss at that
time I encountered. I have stood for short-
er hours of labor. I have stood for a bet-
ter wage for the laborer, for better housing
conditions; for giving the laboring wage-
worker bettor living conditions and better
and safer working conditions. I have stood
to give him and hia wife and children the
chance to make of themselves all that
American citizens should make of them-
selves. I hav* stood, and always shall
taken prisoners at Carrizal, in response to
President Wilson’s request, he, Mr. Gom-
pers, telegraphed on June 28th tost to Car-
ranza appealing to him upon the ground
of “patriotism and love" for the releaae
of tiie American soldier*; and that im-
mediately Carranza responded on Juna
20th to Mr. Gompers saying that he had
ordered the release of the prisoners. The
telegram closed with “Salute, very affec-
tionately, V, Carranza." Thereupon Sam-
uel Gompers, in the name of the Federa-
tion of Labor, an June 30th, thanked Gen-
era! Carranza for releasing tbe American
soldiers.
1 really question whether we have evef
in nur history known anything as extra-
ordinary as the President of the United
States playing second fiddle in such man-
ner to the head of a private organization
when dealing with international matter*.
stand, for everything’in the interest of J "i,.h t0 e*11 -vour attention especially to
justice for th* laboring man. But I have two fncti ln rtlnn«,‘,n" ”it1, '•’»
always stood, snd always shall stand,
against ylalding anything through fear or
because of threats. I believe in the great
principle of arbitration. I believe in in-
voking the action of the government to
help labor; but I also believe to invoke
such action will in tbe end be ruinous to
labor, as well as to the country, if it is
not exercised with wisdom and fearless-
ness and the spirit of exact justice to all
two facts in connection with the incident.
Neil her Mr. Wilson nor Mr. Gompers,
neither of the two amateur diplomats who
thus acted on a footing of fraternal squal-
itv in their joint conduct—and miscon-
duct—of American foreign relations mad*
any appeal or demand for atonement for
the death of American soldiers treacher-
ously slain by Carranza’s troops. They
did nothing about the killing of Boyd and
Adair and their troopers. All that they
the parties concerned. If these questions vfIltured to do was to ask that the Amer-
«— -i—-----*— ■ i lean soldiers who had been taken pria-
are not settled right, then some time they
will have to be unsettled, and infinite trou-
ble is thereby laid up for us in the future.
The only way we can settle them-jight is
by deliberation, after all the facta have
been put before a disinterested and com-
petent body, and the judgment of that
body obtained thereon. This is the course
that even now ought to be pursued as re-
gards the Adamson bill. Its operation has
been deferred until after Congress assem-
bles. Congress should hold it up until a
proper commission shall investigate the en-
tire subject; and then the Adamson bill
should be enacted either unchanged, or
Vith whatever changes and addition*
the report of such dispassionate com-
mission may show to be desirable and
nec**sary.
Labor leaders who are shortsighted may
at the moment get from a man in publie
office who is not actuated by justice, more
than from a man who is actuated by jus-
tice. But th* laboring people as a whole
eannot afford to accept such gains. If un-
just legislation is given them for improper
then unjust legialition
oner when their comrades were slain be
returned. That was the-only request that
the joint committee of suppliants for safe-
ty, composed of President Wilson snd
President Gompers, ventured to demand
of their master, Mr. Carranza.
There ia a further fact which should be
considered by the workingmen who are
asked to support Carrinta by Messrs, i
Wilson snd Gompers on tbe ground that
he is the friend of labor. I hare before
me a copy of a decree issued by Carranza
under date of August 1st, 1916, only six
weeks ago. It has been furnished me by
Senator Fall. Thia decree was issued be-
cause the employees of the electric plant
and street railroads had struck rer higher
wages. General Carranza had ordered that
they should accept one peso of paper
money, that is, ten cents silver, si their
daily wage. This they refused to do, and
struck. Thereupon General Carranza is-
sued a decree; and remember that General
Carranza’s government is a purely military
government, where neither judges nor leg-
islators have powar to interfere in any
* ■ - — J follows: The military authorities not
long ago advised the laboring classes that
they would not allow the creation of a
tyranny so harmful to the welfare of the
Mexican Republic as the tyranny of labor.
Notwithstanding this the itrike of the em-
ployees of the electric light company and
of others allied to it to a palpable demon-
stration that the workmen hav* not wished
to be persuaded that they form only a
small part of society. The suspension of
work becomes illegal the moment that the
strike not only servea to bring pressure on
capital, but also harms society in direct
or indirect manner, as is the case with the
present strike. The conduct of the labor
union in the present case most b* consid-
ered as anti-patriotic and criminal, and
constitutes without doubt an attaqk on
the public peace. In view of the forego-
ing I have decreed the following as tn
addition to the existing code: Besides the
disturbers of the public peace punishable
by death as heretofore described, the
death penalty will also be imposed on the
following: Those who may incite the *u»-
pension of work in factoriee or enterprise*
destined to public service, or who prerid#
over meetings in which it to proposed to
discuss or approve such a strike, those
who may defend or sustain the same, or
who assist in these meetings, and those
who endetvor to make th* strike effective
upon being declared, snd those who by
threats or force prevent others from ren-
dering their services to th* companies or
enterprises against which the strike to
declared.’’ In short words, this deerc* to
that inasmuch as Mr. Carranza disapproves
of the strike ordered by a certain labor or-
ganization, anyone who ririk**, or who at-
tends a strikers’ meeting, or who giv«*
fair action. There is grave reason to be-
lieve that in the course President Wilson
has followed he did violence to his own
real conviction*. Until he became a can-
didate for office, he was a bitter, ungen-
erous snd often nnjnst critic of labor
union*. I hav* before me speeches and
letters of his made and written In 1905,
1907 and 1909, in which Mr. Wilson saya
among other things that “labor unions
drag the highest man down to the level
of the lowest," and in speaking of the cap-
italistic class, he says that "there is an-
other equally formidable enemy and it ia
that class formed by the labor leaders of
this country," and again "l am a fierce
partisan of tb* open shop," and again "The
usual standard of the employe* in our day
is to give as little ts he can for bis wages.
Labor is standardized by trade unions and
this is the standard to which it ia made
to conform. I need not point out how
economically disastrous such regulation of
labor ia. Our economic supremacy may be
lost because the country grows more and
more full of unprofitable servants.” These
were the utterance* of Mr. Wilson when
he was president of a university and had
neither f**r of nor desire to profit by the
labor vote. In Mr. Wilson’s "History of
th* American People” he explicitly stated
that th* Chines* ought not to be excluded
from this country because it is bettor to
have them here than it is to have the im-
migrants we now get from Europe. His
words were: "The Chinese are more to be
desired as workmen than most of the
cosote crew that com* crowding to every-
where *t tbe Eastern ports.” Now he
turns round and says: "Our gates must be
kept open” to those whom he thus denomi-
nated a ”«o*m crow.” Sine* h* went into
polities bs b»a again and serin, incessantly
and continuously, reversed fiimself on what
bt bad profeased to b« his deepest convic-
tions prior to entering politic*, and in
each case tb* announced change of con-
viction agreed with what at the moment
M*m«d to be his political interests.
If it is alleged that President Wilton
has been actuated only by principle in
connection with th* Adamson law, then
I ask why h* hu failsd to apply the same
principle to the railway postal clerk*,
where b* hu full power. Estimating six
days to the week, the** postal clerks, op-
and hi* party immediately passed a low
tariff tow. Under it Government receipt*
fell off so alarmingly that there wa* a great
deficit which had to be met by a special
tax. This wu later called a war tax; but
it waa not due to the war at all; the de-
crease in receipts was prior to ths war,
it waa a deficiency tax pure and simple.
Aa tom* ont pointed out at th* tint*,
Canada had a war with no tax; whereu
we had a tax with no war. It wu purely
a deficiency tax.
During the first eighteen months of thto
Administration tbe national business went
to pieces, tba tidings on tbe railroad* were
jammed with empty cart, snd the number
of employees in every great industry grew
to appalling dimensions. 1 speak here of
what I personally know; for leas thin two
year* ago I had to take an aotive part in
New York in meutires to relieve the un
employed. I then saw municipal lodging
house* crowded to overflowing with people
desirous of working, who could not get any
work, and who did not have enough money
to pay for the poorest lodging or the cheap-
est meals. Tbe unemployed were num-
bered not by the thousands, but tbe scores
of thousands; and 1 was in active corre-
spondence with men and women in other
cities, Chicago, Detroit and Philadelphia,
where the conditions were juat si bad as
in New York. Every kind of provision
had to b« nud*, by private charities and
by tba publie authoritiss, in order to
ear* for tbs multitude of people who wish-
ed to work hut who were in dire want be-
cause there was no work. The misery <vu
widespread- For instance, Ihe Board of
Health of New York, had to pas* a »pe-
cial resolution allowing tbe eating of hurst
meat (I think the exact phraseology gave
permission to fatten old horses for slaught-
er and food), because every effort had to
be made to give to those out of work ths
cheapest “food that would sustain life.. Re-
member that those timet were notniil
There was then no war. \V» were at
peace. We were limply experiencing tbe
normal results of legislative action under
Mr. Wilson and the Democratic adminis-
tration.
Tbe suffering was widespread through-
out tbit country. Suddenly th* war cam*.
At one atrok*- this country was granted
t measure of protection greater than any
It had ever received under any tariff ia
its history. Moreover, the demand for
munitions of war wu stimulated to such
an enormous degree u to completely re-
verse trade condition*. For example, com-
pering the fiscal years ending June 30,
1914, and June 30, 1916, that to th* year
before tbe war and the year that hat just
elapsed, th* lone* in ordinary export* dur-
ing the tost year, compared to tbe former,
were over two hundred million dollars;
wherea* there wa* a gain in export* of war
material of nearly two billion dollars. If
it were not for these artificial conditions,
th* suffering from unemployment in thia
country at this tints would ia all proba-
bility be as great at it was in 1914, and
wa would hav* seen two or thru ytart
of an industrial crisis at least u bad u
any we have evtr known in our hiatory.
The present stimulus it artificial. It will
cease with the war conditions coming to
an end. It wil) then be difficult to avoid
some suffering anyhow. If Mr. Wilaon to
kept in office, this suffering will doubtlesa
be prolonged and acute.
In short, you roln*ri of Pennsylvania, I
appeal to you, and I appeal to all wage-
workers of the United 8t*tu, both in the
name of sound American citizenship, and
also in the name of your real and perma-
nent self-interest. No American citizen
can afford to put the stamp of his ap-
proval on any law supposed to be passed
for the benefit of anybody without inves-
tigation, under dure** of thrut* or for
fur of th* lost of political power. I ask
any men who are tempted to approv* of
the politician, big or little, whom they
think has helped them by doing wrong in
their interest, to remember that the man
who for his profit does wrong in your in-
terest will just as unhesitatingly do wrong
against your interest, if ever be thinks it
to his profit to do so.
In th* old days, thirty yurt ago, when
I lived on t cow ranch in the thort-grau
country, tbe branding Iron and tbe cow-
boy took ths place of fences, and our
herds were managed by branding each
calf with th* brand of th* eow it followed.
If th* oaif wa* not branded tba first
year, then th* next y*»r when it was an
unbranded yearling, it was called a mav-
erick. By rang* law we w«re supposed to
brand each maverick with th* brand of
th* ranch on which it was found. On*
dty I was riding across a neighbor’s rineh
with a puncher I had just hired, tad we
came across a maverick. W* got down our
Th* Democrats eonttnut to l|&or«
Mr. Hughes’ speeches to tho Mtmt
that all they do la to sputter and gaap.
Let It bo conceded thtra ara really
strong grounds for tho opinion that
President tVIlion may carry Texas
nut November. If these Indications
are tahon at thalr full worth, aomo
enthualaate will aooc bo going out ho
bet that the tide will awcep en until
Mississippi and Alabama are also era-
rolled In ths Democratic column.
Many big Democrat* willing and
ready to speak for Wilaon art cart-
ful that their money shall not aay any-
thing on bis side.
Preeident Wilson aayi be Is utter-
ly Indifferent ae to his re-election.
Perhaps that explains a good many
things nobody haa heretofore boon
ablo to understand.
"Help me, Cassius, or I sink 1”
“Cassius” retd "Congress.”
The notion eeema to be that tho
Democratic national chairman It claim-
ing more than he will get, but not any
mor* than lie will need.
As further evidence that ho le warm-
hearted and Intensely human, Mr.
Hughes likes apple pie.
No man Is going to bf elected—or
re-elected—to high office by votes
gained from States' rights declara-
tions this lets In tbe game. Tbe
States' rights question waa settled
some fifty years ago to the evident
satisfaction of a considerable major-
ity.—Kansas City Star.
"Adequate preparedness is not min-
tarism. It It the essential assurance
of security. It Is a necessary safe-
guard of peace." Candidate Hughes
has left nothing to be said on this
subject. He has snuffed out counter
argument at the very outset.
"Are we Americans a nation of
bunglers?" asks tbe New York Sun.
It would be very trfirsli to tDswer
this in the affirmative—uud, anyway,
we elect a Democratic president only
every once In a while.
Charles E. Hughes cannot get *o far
•way from Washington that the men
In charge of the chariot of government
there do not feel the Jolting of hi*
criticisms. In fact, the Democratic
lenders at th* capital city show symp-
toms of tea-slckneea from the way In
which the ex-Justice of the Supreme
court haa shaken them up. Mr.
Hughes 1* pursuing the only protter
method, which |* first to take the
deudwond out of fit* way so that the
path to righteous and propitious gov-
ernment may b« made clenr.
THI NEUTRALITY
OF PONTIUS PILATE.
But as soon aa tbe need for
deed* arose, Mr. Wilson forgot
all about "tbe principle be held
dear." He promptly announced
rbat we should be "neutral In
fact as well as In name. In thought
as well as lu action," between
(It* small, weak, unoffending na-
tion and the large, strong nation
which wns robbing It of its tov-
erelguty and Independence. Such
neutrality has been compared to
the neutrality of Pontius Pilate.
This Is unjust to Pontlgs Pilate,
who nt least gently urged mod-
Shition on the wrongdoer.—
From the speech of Col. Theo-
dore Roosevelt, delivered at
Lewiston, Maine, lu behalf of
Charles K. Hughes.
assistance or aid to tb* striker*, «h«M saf- r°pf*’ “®Twitk, sad built a
•rating between New York and Pittsburgh,
are required to run 208 miles per day (for
th* pneent administration has reduced tbe
Dumber of crews from six to five), where-
test should he dadded os principle* *f jus te th* present trainmen’s agreemsnt re-
tie#, and when ht permitted it to be de quires only 158 miles per day, which to to
cided in deference to gr«*d tad fear, Mr. be reduced *till further by the Adamson
VTilwn announced tjiAt it WU ’(futile’’ to tov. The only powibto explanation of Mr.
fer th# death penalty—that to, ahall b«
tried by drumhead court-martial and im-
mediately shot. Thto dtere* waa latued os
August 1st last. Y«t Mr. Gompers take
the support of the laboring men of the
United State* for Mr. Wilson on tb*
ground that he is th* sponsor of th* mili-
tary tyrant who issued this decree. It to
now announced in the preas that Mr. Gom-
pers is negotiating with Mr. Cerrania in
order to get him to withdraw th* decree.
If so, it will only be until after election.
But tot all American citizens think deeply
before they retain in power an Adminis-
tration which tolerates such an Internetlon-
*1 alliance ts that between M*wn. Wilaon,
Gompers and Carranza, and such manage-
ment of it* foreign affaire a* Mr. Gom-
pers is carrying on with th* countenance,
end in the interest, of Mr. Wilaon.
Tbe welfare of tb* laboring man and
the welfare of th* farmer taken together
rtpnmm the foundation of fee nation^
If | welfare t haw* ahregs oMMtonsletofo
little $re of sage-brush te heal os* of
th* dneb ring*, and th* puncher started
to ran on the brand. I mid: "Put aa
th* thietl* brand’’—th* brand of the range
wt were on. He answered: All right,
boee, I know my butinem;" and in an-
other minnt* ha bad put on my brand, re-
marking: "I always put on th* boee’
brand.” I answered: "Well—go back to
tb* ranch and got your time.” Ho jumped
up and mid: "What’a that for? I waa
putting on your brand, waan’t I?” I an-
swered; ‘'Yes, my friend; you were put-
ting on my brand, end if you will deal
for me you will steal from me!"
Thto to a good rule to remember, for
laboring men, farmen, professional area,
buainmn men, for all oitiz*u« of tb* United
State*, ia dealing with tbeir publto nrv- I
»»t». If a publto servant will do wrong I
to pi**** any particular clam, It may b*
taken aa absolutely eerttln that he will
4s wrong against th* into** ad that gw-
toWmmmtokto
* mum p*s4t to 4s «,
The President gets up early during
the hot spell, end there ere tome who
think It* may have to continue the
practice until November If that matt
Htiglu-e continue* to be so undigni-
fied.— Pittsburgh Dispatch.
WILSON’S IGNOBLE, UNSUC-
CESSFUL LITTLE WARS.
President Wilton tok Vera
Crux in 1914, a* wa were official-
ly informed at the time, to get
a salute for tho flag, and to
prevent the shipment of. arm*
into Moxieo. He did not get hit
eeluto. He did not prevent the
shipment of arm*. But several
hundred men were killed or
wounded; end then he brought
tho ormy home without achiev-
ing either object. President
Wlleon cent in army into Moxieo
in 1111, oi wo wore informed
at ths time, to get Villa "dead
of allva." They dtd not got him
dead. They did not got him
allvo. Again oovoral hundred
men wore killed and woundod.
Again Preeident Wilaon la bring-
Ing tho army homo without
achieving hit object. Of ceurte
It lo a more play upon worde
to say that thess were not
“ware." They were wart, and
nethlng else; Ignoble, polntl***,
uneuceoooful little ware; but
ware. They oost million* of dol-
lar* and hundred* of live*,
squandered to no purpose; they
■eeompushed nothing; but they
wore ware—From the speech of
Col. Theodor* Rootevclt, deliv-
ered at Lewtoton, Maine, In bo-
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Allen, Willis F. Mayes County Republican. (Pryor, Okla.), Vol. 9, No. 35, Ed. 2 Thursday, October 26, 1916, newspaper, October 26, 1916; (https://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc956742/m1/4/: accessed April 24, 2024), The Gateway to Oklahoma History, https://gateway.okhistory.org; crediting Oklahoma Historical Society.