Sapulpa Daily Herald (Sapulpa, Okla.), Vol. 84, No. 309, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 14, 2000 Page: 4 of 12
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PAGE POUR—Sapulpa lOkla.) Hem Id, Thursday, Sept 14, 2000
What others
are saying
On Jerusalem, Palestinians:
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak has finally recognized (hat Jerusalem is
important to the Palestinians which is a step forward, albeit a long overdue
one. Now all that is needed for a significant step to be made toward a final and
lasting peace in the Middle East is for him to cede exclusive sovereignty and
acknowledge Palestinian rights to the city.
Presumably, and despite the public posturing. Barak understands very well
the centrality of Jerusalem to any deal even remotely acceptable to the Pales-
tinian people, and presumably so too does U S. President Clinton, despite his
public posturing.
Very unhelpful though such public posturing has been, it has perhaps dri-
ven home the fact to the two leaders, and hopefully to the world at large, that
Arafat, despite his position as leader of the Palestinian people, has already
compromised as much as he can. He cannot, and will not, give in on
Jerusalem, because there is no longer anything to lose. A state without
Jerusalem is not acceptable nor feasible, and there is nothing else to compro-
mise on.
If anyone is serious about a lasting peace they must agree to share
Jerusalem (and we are not talking here about outlying suburbs but the real
thing, the Old City and the holy sites); whether that means joint sovereignty or
international sovereignty as Arafat proposed earlier this week.
-The (Amman) Jordan Timet
On fuel protests:
The oil companies, several police forces and some ministers appear to have
been tempted into an unstated pact in which a few hundred angry individuals
are allowed to inflict enormous disruption on others as a form of group thera-
py. These “sitting pickets" — to call them “flying pickets" would be a mis-
nomer — have created the impression of a potential petrol shortage that has
become self-fulfilling a) the forecourt because consumers — for understand-
able reasons — have filled up to be on the safe side.
The finger of suspicion is now pointing, rightly, at the big oil companies.
They seem to have decided to portray themselves as victims of the Govern-
ment’s fuel tax policy, in an effort to court favor with aggrieved motorists....
And these same companies have made a killing from the protests; in parts of
Britain seven days’ supply of petrol has been sold in 48 hours.
What started as a poor impersonation of a French political protest could
evolve into far more than an irritation.
-The Times, London
On weak Euro:
The euro is getting worried. It continues to fall, and with it plummets ... a
certain idea of Europe. As 2002 approaches, people are not yet ready for (its
introduction)... And unless the American economy slows down, no one can
imagine how the situation could change. Worse: The rise of oil prices has
reminded us that the commercial advantages of a weak currency can quickly
reverse.
Europe is caught between a weak euro and expensive oil prices, stuck as if
in a vice, despite better-than-ever projections and improving public finances.
-Le Figaro, Paris
On death sentence in Virginia:
After the DNA test couldn’t prove Derek Rocco Bamabei's innocence,
there is no reason to postpone the execution, end of show. Rocco now starts
counting the steps to the execution chamber.
Maybe, apart from the suspicions about an eventual manipulation of the
incriminating evidence, the defeat was inevitable. Real Politic plays a determi-
nant role in pre-electoral America. Why should appeals coming from Italy —
and from Italy’s President — count?
Many other prisoners are awaiting the same destiny as Bamabei.
This is a lost battle for all those who think the death penalty is brutal. We
must continue, then, and begin again, hoping that a still stronger voice breaks
the macabre silence around executions, particularly in America, a country (hat
has democratic roots and cannot suppress free debate.
We don’t know, and maybe we’ll never know, whether Rocco is guilty or
innocent. We only believe that (hose who condemn him to death cannot claim
their innocence in front of the tribunal of conscience.
-La Slampa, Turin, Italy
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10017
Opinion
George W., the intellectuals
Over the last four decades, every
president has learned the lesson that
ideas and intellectuals are important in
politics. John F. Kennedy's hiring of
Arthur Schlesinger was perhaps the
most famous presidential use of an
intellectual, but Kennedy’s successors
have also tried to appeal to intellectuals
in various ways. Intellectuals cannot
elect a president, but (hey can make
politicians appear to be men of vision
and conviction. In turn, this image help
presidents in the eyes of the media,
patty activists and, ultimately, voters.
Intellectuals also serve for more than
just appearance's sake, often bringing
in new ideas to candidacies governed
mainly by political considerations. Suc-
cessful presidents have shown off their
intellectuals, but have also learned from
them as well.
You wouldn't know it from the abu-
se George W. Bush takes for his sup-
posed lack of seriousness, but Bush has
thus far understood this lesson better
than Ai Gore Throughout the 2000
campaign. Bush has demonstrated an
understanding that ideas matter and a
willingness to use prominent policy in-
tellectuals to take advantage of that
notion Bush started on this project ear-
ly. Back in April of 1998, well before
announcing for the presidency, Bush
visited Stanford's Hoover Institution,
named the world's best think tank by
the Economist, visiting with top-notch
Hooverites like former Secretary of Sta-
te George Shultz, Nobel Prize winner
Milton Friedman and economist Martin
Anderson, former economic adviser to
Ronald Reagan.
Anderson and his colleagues were
quite impressed by Bush and his ideas
Anderson, who had collected ideas and
intellectuals for Reagan, recalled think-
ing, “Hey. this guy’s really good." A
few months later, Bush called Ander-
son, Shultz, Michael Boskin and Stan-
ford Provost Condoleezza Rice to
Austin, where they agreed to help set up
a policy shop for Bush. That shop was a
From Where I Sit
By
Ben
Wattenburg
Newspaper
Enterprise
Association
small army, with more than 100 experts
broken up into teams under three major
divisions, many of them from Hoover
and the American Enterprise Institute
In addition. Bush's major domestic
message — compassionate conser-
vatism — developed out of the ideas of
conservative intellectuals like Myron
Magnet and Marvin Olasky. Compas-
sionate conservatism, ways to help indi-
viduals without relying on new big-
government programs, appealed to con-
servatives and moderates alike.
On the foreign-policy side. Bush’s
team of “Vulcans” — Rice, Paul Wol-
fowitz. Richard Perle. Bob Zoellick and
Dov Zakheim — have helped give Bush
both a consistent foreign policy mes-
sage and a well-regarded team of ex-
pens from the Reagan and Bush Ad-
ministrations
The backing of most of the OOP's
top intellectuals, especially those in
conservative think tanks like Hoover
and AE1, helped Bush stave off conser-
vative primary opponents like Dan
Quayle and Steve Forbes. This buffer
on the right proved crucial when Bush
needed to focus on John McCain's furi-
ous challenge from Bush's left flank.
On the other side of this contest, Gore
has made surprisingly little headway in
using the intellectual community to his
public advantage Most of his major po-
licy initiatives have come from the vast
resources of the executive branch, and
not his campaign's relatively small pol-
icy shop, led by New Democrat Elaine
Kamarck. Partially as a result, his think
team has not gained nearly the public
attention of Bush's army. In addition.
Gore's most famous 'intellectual," fem-
inist writer Naomi Wolf, had to down-
grade her public role because of the em-
barrassment caused by front-page repo-
rts last November of ha hefty $15,000
a month salary and New Age advice on
Gore's wardrobe.
While Gore has written books and
has close relations with a numba of pub-
lic intellectuals — most notably the New
Republic’s Martin Perctz — he has ra-
rely sought the support of intellectuals
in a concerted and public way. Without
a core group of prominent intellectual
backers. Gore's campaign suffered thro-
ugh periods of drift, frequently rein-
venting itself in the search for a coher-
ent message Although Gore has regain-
ed surer footing recendy, the delay like-
ly hurt his standing in the polls
Of course, the tale of the 2000 pri-
maries and election campaign thus for
does not mean that Republicans own
the intellectuals. Far from it. Democrat-
ic presidents have historically been
more successful in using intellectuals to
help shape their message. In 1992, for
example, Bill Clinton brought the mod-
erate intellectuals from the Democratic
Leadership Council and the Progressive
Policy Institute into his campaign. The-
se affiliations helped demonstrate to the
media and the voters that Clinton was a
different kind of Democrat, not like the
liberals who had lost three consecutive
presidential elections. In the Oval
Office, Qinton has skillfully used intel-
lectuals to his advantage, most notably
during the imprachment crisis of 1998,
when much of the liberal intellectual
establishment vocally backed Ginton.
The lesson? Intellectual support
matters Understanding this notion gave
Geotge W. an important early boost in
the 2000 campaign Whether this boost
will have been enough remains to be
seen.
Will minorities take over America?
"Minorities arc now the majority in
California" blared the headline in the
San Francisco Examiner The article
spelled it out: “The stale's non-Hispan
ic white population was 49.8 percent
last year, according to U S. Census
Bureau estimates released Wednesday
In 1990, non-Hispanic whites were 57
percent of California’s papulation "
This development has been a long
time coming, of course. According to
the Census Bureau, the nation's Asian
and Pacific Islander population grew 43
percent to 10.8 million during the
1990s, and the U.S. Latino population
grew by almost 39 percent to 31.3 mil-
lion. The vast majority of the new resi-
dents in both categories wound up in
California, which accounts for the pro-
portional decline in (he state's white
population.
Certain minority political hacks
have been looking forward to this
development with bated breath. Once
the minorities outnumber the whites,
they figured, white dominance of Cali-
fornia politics would end for good. The
minorities would gang up aqd beat
them in every election, right?
Wrong. In the first place, a great
many of the new Asian and Latino resi-
dents aren't even citizens, let along reg-
istered voters. And in the second place,
even among those qualified to vote,
many (particularly in the Latino com-
munity) don't.
In the third place, those looking for-
ward to trouncing white voters with a
coalition of “minorities" are assuming
that current party identifications will
remain stable It is true that the Dcmoc
Conservative Voice
By
William
A. Rusher
Newspap«r
Enterprise
Association
ratic party has been the traditional home
of most blacks, Hispanics and even
Asians in California. It has been many
years since the party carried a majority
of the white votes in any statewide elec
tion. But there is no reason to suppose
that white voters (represented by the
Republican party) will be unwilling or
unable to cement alliances with certain
of the minority blocs.
The most spectacular example is on
the issue of affirmative action, which
the Democrats have supported and most
Republicans have opposed as simply
disguised racial preferences. The
biggest beneficiaries of such prefer-
ences, of course, are black students who
could not otherwise qualify for admis-
sion to the state's top universities. But
the biggest victims of preferences for
blacks arc Asians who qualify brilliant
ly but are excluded because their skin is
yellow ratha than black.
The Republicans have been rather
diffident about pointing this out, lest
they be accused of playing race politics
(something only Democrats are entitled
to do). But does anybody doubt that
Asian voters in California know what
has been happening to them, that they
resent it, or that they would be disposed
to join in efforts to get a fairer shake for
their children?
More broadly, is it so inevitable that
a person must be liberal, or vote Demo-
cratic, just because his or ha skin does
n’t happen to be white? Most black vot-
ers seem to be irretrievably Democratic,
but what about Hispanics? The Census
Bureau says that “non-Hispanic whites"
now constitute just a shade unda 50
percent of California's population, but
what about the "Hispanic whites”?
There arc plenty of Hispanics who are
fully white and who may well be
inclined to vote that way. Why weren't
they added to the whites' total? Because
they would have pushed it back above
50 percent, that's why.
In addition, although many of the
poorer Hispanic non-whites do vote
Democratic, there are many in the His-
panic middle class who are powerfully
attracted to religiously based social
conservative values Does anyone doubt
where they would stand on the issue of.
say, partial birth abortion?
Finally, let no one tell you that
blacks and Asians can be made to fit
comfortably together in a coalition
aimed at America's whites. No two eth-
nic blocs in this country have less in
common. California's whites may actu-
ally find it fun to be the biggest minori-
ty of all.
■ William Rusher b a Distinguished
Fella*’ of the Claremont Institute for the
Study of Statesmanship and Political
Philosophy.
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Letting
murderers
off lightly?
It hardly seems that two decades
have passed since John Lennon was
shot dead outside his New York City
flfct. We are reminded of this ignomin-
ious anniversary by news that his killa
could be set free by year's end.
That's right. Mark David Chapman
has completed the minimum 20 years
Another Side
By
Joseph
Perkins
Newspaper
Enterprise
Association
of the “20 years to life" sentence he
received in 1980. And now the murder
er is eligible for paroic
Goo goo g' joob.
Of course, because of the notoriety
of Chapman's crime. New York's
parole board will probably be dissuad-
ed from releasing him from his con-
fines at Attica prison But just the idea
that this psychotic killa could be
returned to society deeply offends
One's heart goes out to Lennon’s
widow. Yoko Ono, who has to make the
case to New York's parole board why
the kilter should not be Aimed loose
Reportedly, she plans to tell the board
that she fears for herself and Lennon's
two sons. Sean and Julian, if Chapman
is freed.
But it shouldn't matter whethaYoko
submits a "victim impact" statement It
shouldn't matta whether Lennon's
widow fears for her life and the life of
his two sons.
Chapman took an innocent life. With
cold calculation. In fact, he actually
admitted to using hollow-point bullets
to maximize the wounds he inflicted on
Lennon — to ensure the forma Beet-
le's death.
What was particularly enraging was
Chapman's boast, in the wake of his
crime: “I was nobody until I killed the
biggest somebody on Ealh."
And if this nobody ever gets out of
prison, his freedom will tell other psy-
chotic nobodies out there that they too
can get away with kilting somebodies.
As long as they are willing to do a
“deuce" — that’s 20 years for you law-
abiding folks — behind bars.
It's the same thing with other notori-
ous assassins.
Sirhan Sirhan, who shot and kilted
presidential candidate Robert Kennedy
back in 1968, has come up for at least
10 hearings before California's parole
board.
He was originally sentenced to die in
the suit's gas chamber, but his death
sentence was reduced to 'life" in prison
in 1972 when the Supreme Court ruled
the death penally unconstitutional (a
ruling lata reversed).
One would think that the murderous
Siitian would be grateful that his life
was spared That he would accept his
“life” sentence as penance for his
heinous crime.
But like Chapman, he thinks the
years he has spent behind bars so far
arc sufficient punishment. He thinks he
deserves to take his place among the
law abiding, outside prison walls.
“I’m ready to live as a normal citi-
zen,” Sirhan told die parole board the
last time he appeared before them.
“I’ve done my time. I've behaved
myself.”
Chapman and Sirhan must be
extremely envious of John Hinckley,
who shot and wounded President
Ronald Reagan back in 1981. He was
found "not guilty" by reason of insani-
ty and was sentenced not to prison, but
to St. Elizabeth's hospital in the
nation's capital.
For the past year and half, Hinckley
has been allowed “supervised" day
trips away from the hospital. And hos-
pital officials had achially recommend-
ed that he be permitted unsupervised
weekly visits with his parents until
withdrawing the recommendation ear-
lier this summer.
It seems that the presidential
assailant deceived his shrinks this past
spring. They discovered that he had
“continual interest in violently themed
books and music.”
So Johnny-boy won't be getting to
spend his weekends with mommy and
daddy any time soon. Now (hat’s pun-
ishment for you.
Chapman and Sirhan are lucky to be
alive. Hinckley is lucky to be whiling
away his years on a hospital campus.
The two kilters should have paid for
their crimes with their lives. And the
would-be kilter should have paid for his
crime with a life sentence (and no
chance of parole).
The most disAirbing aspect of all this
is that if the victims of Chapman and
Sirhan and Hinckley were not such
prominent figures, chances are that all
three of them would be set free at some
point or another. For that is how
leniently murder and attempted mureter
are treated in our society
Indeed, according to the Bureau of
Justice Statistics, the avoage sentence
for mufda is only 15 years. The ava-
age time actually served for taking an
innocent life it a mere 5-1/2 yean.
But the feet that other kilters are
doing far leu time it hardly an argu-
ment to ta the murderous Chapman
free. It's an argument for imposing far
stiffer sentences on less notorious
killers.
■ Joseph Perkins b a columnist for
The San Diego Union Tribune.
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Quinnelly, Lorrie J. Sapulpa Daily Herald (Sapulpa, Okla.), Vol. 84, No. 309, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 14, 2000, newspaper, September 14, 2000; Sapulpa, Oklahoma. (https://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc1502790/m1/4/: accessed March 28, 2024), The Gateway to Oklahoma History, https://gateway.okhistory.org; crediting Oklahoma Historical Society.