The Reformer. (Kingfisher, Okla.), Vol. 3, No. 17, Ed. 1 Thursday, October 25, 1894 Page: 4 of 8
This newspaper is part of the collection entitled: Oklahoma Digital Newspaper Program and was provided to The Gateway to Oklahoma History by the Oklahoma Historical Society.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
The Reformer.
Price $ 1 per year in advance.
60 rents. 3 months 25 cents,
♦i months
J.C. «C. C.TOUSLEY S J. H. WELSH,
Editors and Proprietors.
Kingfisher, O T
Advertising rat«*s given on application.
Entered at tl-< BoMottke, at Kingfisher,
O. T. as second-class mail matter.
Tuk democrats have a
the tariff.
Thebe is an
tools and liars.
overproduction— of
Low wages and low prices are the
•esult of old party rule.
The more the People’s party is
tilled the iiriskier it is.
What the farmer needs mi g^od
prices for what he tells. He can then
afford to pa}' pood prices for wbat he
buys
Jf the devil has his way the peo-
ple will still allow themselves to be
side-tracked by a discussion of the
tariff.
We will g-ive 850 for a single dollar
of legal tender money issued by the
government, that is worth less than
100 cents.
A LAW YER will defend the
murderer, thief or liar in the
for a fee, therefore he is not lit
statesman.
worst
world
for a
Where is your prosperity?
tide-tracked somewhere .’
The concentration of wealth is
:oncentration of power.
Is it
the
Stop crying out against hard times
jr else vote against them.
liOTH old parties resort to fraud to
iustain themselves in power.
Som men don’t to know how
lo vote until the boss tells them.
Abuse and vindication is no argu*
aient. They signify a want of it
□ If you are a free silver man. why
io you stay with a gold bug party
Wk would rather belong to a party
of cranks than to a party of thieves
The biggest of all fools is the man
that talks reform and votes against it
Some people in this country seem to
think that dollars have divine rights.
THE republicans laid the trap for
nard times aud the democrats sprung
The more you try to suppress justice
the more it will clamor for recogni-
tion. ____
Latter day politics means hoodie
for the politicians, trusts aud corpora
tions.____
Misrepresentation is the main
stock in trade of the old party politi-
cians. _____
The more you vote the old party
tickets the less you will get for what
you raise.
The tight between the democrats
and republicans is for the privilege to
skin the people.
The tankers have got a corner on
money and they are squeezing the
people for pain.
“The woman gave me and 1 did eat”
is the same old plea. Ask Breckin-
ridge the result.
What is the difference between the
democrats and republicans ou the
money question?
The old parties have nothing left
but ridicule to offer against the argu-
ments of Populists.
FROM RRO. TURNER.
TARIFF ISSUE VERSUS
MONEY QUESTION.
THE
The reason the two parties want to
stick to the tariff issue is because
they have a bad case on the money
question.
The Ohio democrats have declared
for free silver, but that don't count ; without
U8 lontr as they keep .John Sherman in
the senate.
Am. monopolists vote either the
democratic or republican ticket. If
you want to vote with them iust vote
either old party ticket.
The postal system is owned and
controlled bj’ the government. It is a
success. So would the ownership of
railroads and telegraphs be.
Thebe is one good sign that augurs
well for the masses. The church is
waking up and espousing the cause of
the poor. This is Christianity.
The way to down the trusts is to
vote against them, and you can do
that by votiug with either of the old
parties that “stand in with them."
The act demonetizing silver which
the democrats condemned they are
now defending. Why do they do it?
because it is a part of their record.
A BEI'I'HLIC is a government where
the people rule—something like this
country was under the regimes of Jef-
ferson, Jackson, and Abraham l.incon.
If you want to vote just as the
trusts, the bankers and the corpora-
tions would have vou to, you can do it
by voting either of the old party
tickets.
One of the best reasons why you
should vote the l’opulist ticket is that
•he bankers, the trusts, the corpora-
tions and their hired tools are all op-
posed to it.
It is just as much a question of
slavery to-day as it was before the
war. And it is just as unpopular to
oppose debt slavery now as it was
chattel slavery then.
The two old parties are lighting for
spoils and are controlled by the trusts
and corporations. The People s party
is fighting for principles and better
times for the masses.
The Tariff Only affect* a Few People,
While the Scarcity of Money Is Kill-
ing; New Enterprise* Every Day Table
of Different Tariff*.
For generations the politicians of
this country have agreed in almost
every campaign that the tariff should
be the issue. They have always found
it a convenient bone of contention
over which the masses would easily
divide. It is a question that is very
complex to the average voter. It is a
splendid issue upon whicli to appeal
to sectionalism aud arouse part}’
spirit The leaders of the democratic
anil republican parties have mutually
agreed for so long that the tariff was
the great issue in American politics
that the average voter in these parties
seriously considering the
matter and without any study or in-
vestigation upon his part has settled
down to the idea that the tariff is
really the issue. The politicians have
one half the people attributing all
their grievances to the fact that the
tariff is too high and the other half to
the fact that the tariff is too low.
The democratic campaign commit-
tee has just gotten out a campaign
book of 246 pages in w hich it devotes
twelve lines, or ISO words, to the sil-
ver question. If we are to judge from
what is here said on the subject as to
the policy of the democratic party we
are at a lose to understand how any
honest free coinage man can have the
faintest hope of ever getting free coin-
age through the democratic party.
On the entire financial question this
campaign book contains five pages,
while it devotes 111 pages to the
tariff. So it is very plain that the
democrats are going to do everything
possible to force the tariff to the front
and try to ignore the financial ques-
tion altogether. The republicans are
at work on the same line and are de-
lighted that they can fight over the
same old ground. There are a great
many honest democrats and republi-
cans who candidly believe that the
tariff is the great issue. For the
benefit of all such we have under
taken in this article to prove the great
overshadowing question in American
politics to-day is the financial question
and that the tariff is secondary in
every particular.
The following table shows the
amount of the tariff paid by the aver-
age farmer on the necessaries of life
which lie buys each year. It shows
the amount he would pay under the
tariff law* of 1 SGI, the McKinley law’,
and the present democratic law:
The People’s party is dead again,
according to the Hoary-headed Order
of Associated Liars.
The democrats had their chance,
and now it takes 81.50 to get a dol-
lar’s worth of sugar.
A FREE silver man who wants to
stay in a gold-bug party is not much
of a free silver man.
You can never put down monopoly
by voting as the monopolists do. Did
you ever think of that?
It is a little peculiar that the fellow
who calls loudest for a pension, yells
most against paternalism.
A VICTORY for either old party is a
victory for the gold bugs, monopolists
and heartless corporations.
Governor Waite has a persistency
for “staying on top” that is very ex
asperating to the old party leaders.
John Sherman, drover Cleveland
and the devil are are “three of a
kind” that are mighty hard to beat
The best thing that the Fifty-third
congress did for the people was the
passage of the resolution to adjourn.
Why should we rely on the banks to
issue money when the government
can issue a cheaper and better money
We have laws preventing cruelty to
animals, but when the Populists pro-
pose laws that will prevent cruelty to
men, women and children, they are
called anarchists, fanatics and luua-
tics.
Demand is limited by the ability to
purchase. A limited volume of money
makes a limited demand for the pro-
ducts of labor and causes thousands
of persons to be thrown out of em-
ployment
The farmers of Texas united for the
purpose of holding their cotton seed
against the low prices set by the trust,
and now it is reported that some of
them have been indicted for violating
the anti-trust laws.
us see now how rt »s with the
wheat raiser. Take 1,000 bushels of
wheat as the average cro*. In 1872,
the year before silver was demone-
tized, wheat was worth from 81.65 to
80.10 per bushel. The 1,00C bushels at
81.75 in 1892 would have netted the
farmer 81,750. To-day the price of it
is 50 cents per bushel and the 1,000
bushels brings the farmer 8500. He
gets 81,250 less for his wheat crop in
1801 than he did in lb<2. Why is this?
What is it that robs the farmer of this
81,250? Is it the tariff? From the
above facts we see that the cotton
farmer paid 803.00 tariff an 1872 and
received 81,000 for his cotton crop,
now in the year 1804 he pays 862*40,
just 60 cents less than in 18.72 and re-
ceives 8300 for his crop, a loss of 8700.
The wheat farmer paying the
amount of tariff as abore, received
81,750 for his crop in 1872. now he re-
ceived 8500, a loss of 81,250.
In other words these farmers have
been fighting over that 82L 12 tariff,
the difference to them between the
democrats and republicans on that
question, while the money power has
stealthily stepped in and robbed the
cotton raiser of 8700 and the wheat
raiser of 81,250. To the cotton raiser
the money question is as much above
the tariff question as an issue as 8700
is above 821.12; and to the vvueat
raiser as 81, 250 is above 821.12.
When the farmers of this country
study the financial question and
realize how they have been robbed by
the demonetization of silver aud the
destruction of the greenbacks, there
will be but one issue and that will be
the money question. J. H. Turner,
Sec. Nat’l Coinm, P. P.
duoed the government to issue bonds
and buy in and destrDy about one-half
the money in circulation. This, of
course, had the effect of making what
was left more valuable. Any man
can see that. Now if the eminent
chief cook and bottle washer of the i
agricultural department will pursue
his course of hostility toward increas-
ing the volume of farm products and
induce the government to issue bonds (
and buy up one-half of what is now
on hand, .and one-half of the farms—
turning them into shooting parks for
the rich paupers and burial places for
the poor ones, his action will be right
in line with the brilliant savons who
have sat as figureheads in our na-
tional legislature, while the money
combine, the trusts, corporations and
monopolists in general dictated the
laws This principle is as applicable
to one as the other. The farmer has
as much right to demand a valuable
bushel of wheat or a valuable pound
of cotton as the banker and money
lender has for a valuable dollar. We
have heard much talk of a
49 cent dollar, but little is
said of a 40 cent bushel of wheat.
Yet the fall in the commercial value
VOICE OF REFORM.
CLARION BLASTS FROM OUR
ABLE GUNNERS.
The Old I'artv KoltennM. Perforated
with the Logic of the New Fru»ade
t.o.i and Truth Will Prevail—The
Income Tax.
Gov. Altgeld has called the atten-
tion of the state board of equalization
to the tax dodging proclivities of the
l'ullman company and insists that
their assessment should be 813,000,000
instead of only 81,69?, 500, of only an
increase of the neat little eum of
811,304,500 or about 800 percent.—The
Express.
The name and deeds of Wendell
Phillips will go thundering down the
ages, and will be honored and revered
by true men, while the narrow minded
and bigoted men who yelped crank,
agitator, and abolitionist at him will
be forgotten nearly before their
bodies are cold in death.—Newton
Herald.
Labor is king—at any rate, if it was
properly recognized it would be king.
Labor produces all that people live
of a bushel of wheat is greater than for.
DUTIABLE ARTI-
CLES.
A in' t
Con'd. |
Tar iff Tari ft
1801. ) 180).
Tariff
1894.
Sugar............
♦2».0o
*10.00
f .
* 7.7«
Cotton goods.......
25.00
5 76
5.14
5.76
Woolen goods......
20 00
0. to
li 66
8.33
K made clothing
30.00
6
19.95
16.00
Hats and caps.....
10.00
1.66
4.rt»
8 SO
Iron goods..........
10.00
2.30
2.06
1 In
Cutlery.............
5 0U
i 15
1.55
J .42
Barbed wire.....
3).00
rt irt
5 H
3.42
!•’. rin implements
30.00
rt 92
9 31
•*3*33
Shoes aud hoots.
1 20.00
i 61
4 00
Medicine .....
10. On
2.30
3.33
3.33
Furniture.....—
25 00
5.7rt
0 48
5.00
Clocks & watches.
j 5 0)
1 15
1 29
1 .1)0
Horses.............
5.00
1.15
.83
Jewelry ..........
! 5 00
1 00
1 rt0
1.29
Crockery
1 5.00
1.00
1.77
1 15
Cattle..............
! 501
1.50
.83
Total.........
1*285.0
763.00
1*88.61
162 4J
Thomas Jefferson said the national
hanks, or the banker who issued his
own notes as money, drew interest on
what he owed. He opposed all banks
of issue, but we have none of that
kind of democracy now.
11A ill) times for the wealth pro-
ducers is a haj-vest for the money
lenders. This is the banker’s harvest
The demonetization of silver cost
this government more in one year
than the protective tariff did in ten
years.
If Congressman Bryan would take
in his democratic sign he would be a
very good l’opulist. But as long us a
man will hang that sign out he won't
do to trust, for he either lacks the
courage or the honesty to stand by
convictions.
We have little respect for the demo-
crat that denounces republican meth-
ods and policies in the republican
party and votes to sustain them in
the democratic party. Such a man
has not got backbone enough to make
a good fish-worm.
Wherev i:u the cities own their pub-
lic franchies such as water works, gas
works aud electric light plants the
rates are much lower than where
owned by private companies. This is
government ownership for advocating
which the Populists are called cranks.
Tiik Sugar Trust, having secured
the “world by the tail,” so to speak,
is now closing down its refineries,
throwing thousands of men and
women out of employment, and put-
ting up the price of sugar at the same
time. They say its on account of over
production. Then why does ttie price
of sugar go up
We find by examining the above
figures that the democrats are now
camping ou the same ground that the
republicans occupied thirty years ago,
there being only sixty cents difference
to the farmer under the republican
law of 1861 and the democratic law of
1894. The difference to the farmer
between the McKinley and the pres-
ent democratic law is 821.12 on his
yearly purchases. Therefore it must
be this 821.12 that all this tariff racket
is about From this table we can see
exactly the relation in which the
farmer stands to both the old parties
so far as the tariff is concerned. As
the law now stands the difference to
the farmer between the democratic
and republican parties on the tariff
question, when measured in dollars
and cents, is 821.12. Then the issue,
when narrowed down, is whether the
farmer will pay 821. 12 tariff, more or
less annually.
When one has studied the money
question and sees how this same
farine” is robbed and plundered each
year by the money power of the world
the tariff question at once dwindles
into utter insignificance.
Let us now examine into the naked
faets ami see how the farmer has been j
affected by vicious linancial legis- j
lation and robbed of his birthright, ,
while the politicians have been crying !
tariff tariff, in order to “drown the
cries of a plundered people. ’’
Let us take as the average crop of
the cotton farmer ten bales, weighing j
500 pounds each, a total of 5,000 j
pounds. We find that the price of
cotton in 1872, the year before silver
was demonetized, was from 18
to 25 cents per pound, the average
price being about 20 cents. The ten
bales of cotton at that time at 20
cents per pound would net the farmer
Sl.OOU The same ten bales of cotton
now at the present price of 6 cents
per pound would net him 8300. We
find from these figures that somehow
or somehow else the cotton farmer
has been robbed of 8700 on his year's
production of cotton. The crop that
he produced in 1872 cost no more labor
than the crop he produced in 1894.
Then why is this difference of 8700?
A DOLLAR'S WORTH OF SILVER
AND A SILVER DOLLAR.
BY ELEANOR RALDWIN.
At about 8 o’clock the other night,
the usual conference meeting was in
session around the stove of a country
grocery store not a thousand miles
from this city.
The subject under discussion was
the awful danger to the country in
the impending deluge of silver dol-
lars. Nobody there seemed over-
burdened with them, but all the same
they were honest men and had the
welfare of the banks and boards of
trade at heart.
Nam Kevins, a farmer in a cotton
and wool suit of clothes, in which the
southern product predominated, with
an anxious chronic-poverty look on
his face, had kept a ruminative sil-
ence, but finally evinced a desire to
take a hand by a masterly expectora-
tion at long range into the coal hod.
He broke the silence this demonstra-
tion had caused by saying:
“I got a dollar's worth of silver
from my nevey out in Nevada, tother
day.”
“What you goitd to do with it?”
queried Tom Waterman.
“Wal, ye see, I couldn’t eat ner
wear the darned thing, ner burn it,
b’gosh,” answered Sam, his emphasis
increasing at the recollection
of many arduous hours over the saw-
horse and chopping block, “ami I had
to go into Providence anyway to get
provis ons and pay up the interest on
the mortgage, so I jest hitched up
and took it along. They’re sell in’
l twenty-two pounds o’ sugar for a
dollar there,” looking reproachfully
at the country grocer, “so I told the
store man I’d take that much fer my
hunk o’ silver.’, At this point Sam
relapsed into silence. Evidently the
theme was a painful one. “Die ye
git the sweetnin’?” asked Joe Crocker.
“Wal. yes; after I’d handed out a
silver dollar I did. He said he want
doin’ no junk business and he’d jest
as soon take a dollar's worth o' pig
iron as that stuff.” “What’d ye do
then?” inquired the grocer.
“Wal, then, I just made sure as
how the bank would take it to help
pay the interest: cause, don’t you see,
they’d know it had more silver in it
than the dollar did.”
“Wal, didn’t they?” inquired Tom
Waterman, abstractedly, helping
himself to the raisins.
“Nop, they didn’t,” said truant
legal tender, “but they took silver
dollars that didn’t way so much as
that without any urgin’.”
“Then, wha’d ye do?”
“Went to a place where they made
jewelry.”
“Did they take it*?” asked the trio.
“Yip.”
“Wha’d they give ye for it?”
“Nothin’ but a plain silver dollar.”
that of the silver in a dollar. Price is
only the expression of the relation be- j
tween money and products. As money !
is by law a debt and tax paying |
medium it is a thing that must be had
at any cost. To make it scarce makes
it dearer and harder to get This
benefits the man who has the money.
Government has no right to change
the relation existing between money
and products, much less the power to
deLegate that right, which it does
when it charters banks of issue with
power to limit or extend the circulat-
ing medium. When the volume of
money is increased to meet the de-
mands of an increasing volume of
business and growing population,
prices will remain practically staple.
This is as it should be and this is the
reason why power was given
to congress “to regulate the value of
the currency.” The banker’s capital
is his money. His income is interest.
The farmer's capital is his farm and
machinery and stock to run it His
income is the products of the farm.
Now turn back for thirty years. Not
only the value of the farms, stock and
machinery lias decreased, but that of
every product of the farm. Wheat
that brought 82 per bushel now brings
about 40 cents. Cotton that brought
25 cents now brings only 6 cents. Not
so with the capital and income of the
banker. Both have been increased in
value when compared with products.
The dollar that would only buy one-
half bushel of wheat will [now buy
two and one-half bushels. The dollar
that would buy but four pounds of
cotton will now buy seventeen pounds.
This is better for the bunker but worse
for the fanner. But the strangest
thing about it is, the farmer
has been induced to consent to the
change under the plea of an “honest
dollar. What he should have done,
and what he ought now to do, is to
stand up for an honest price for his
products. This so-called “honest dol-
lar” is one that so changes the rela-
tive value of his capital and income—
his products—with that of the bank-
ers as to practically rob him of more
than one-half the fruits of his labor.
The banker receives twice as much for
all the necessities of life for his dollur
he did, while the farmer does not
receive half as many dollars for the
same amount of products as he did.
It would seem that a man who was
blind in one eye and could only see a
little bit out of the other could see
the unfairness of this. And it is
strange that men are so infatuated
with party worship that they don’t
see it. It is a confiscation of property
which, if not consented unto by the
very men who own the property,
would constitute one of the greatest
crimes of the age. O, Lord, how long
will the people remain blind?
TURN THEM INTO BONDS.
Mr. J. Sterling Morton, the lawyer
w ho has charge of the potato bug and
pumpkin department of the govern
ment as secretary of agriculture,
1 opposes irrigation of the arid lands in
the west, on the grounds that there is
already an overproduction of farm
products which caused the present
j low prices, and that the reclaiming of
: those lands would only aggravate the
situation. Now hero is an idea as
applied to agriculture that no one but
! the eminent chief of the pumpkin de-
partment would have thought of. It
j is the same idea, however, that the
money lenders have been practicing
| for thirty years In 1806 they discov
ered that there was an overproduc
1 tion of money, tlie result of which
w as that money was cheap—easy to
be got. Instead of increasing the
volume to keep pace with the increase
in population und business, they in-
Slmuhl He Impeached.
The following statement comes
from the president of a New York
bank, said to be the Central National,
which, if true, ought to impeach both
President Cleveland and Secretary
Carlisle:
“The administration, through Sec-
retary Carlisle, pledged itself that
there should be no more legislation
on silver this session, at the time of
the bond issue of 850,000,000. It must
keep that promise.
“When it became apparent that the
public subscription would fail, our
committee met Mr. Carlisle and stated
that if assurance were given that the
administration and the treasury de-
partment would oppose any seignior-
age or free silver bill we would take
the issue.
“Mr. Carlisle, us we understood,
positively agreed to such an under-
standing. We were very careful in
listening to every word ho had to say,
because it was felt in New York that
if any more silver legislation were
carried it would lead to gold exports,
and the bond subscriptions being pay-
able in gold we could not afford to
give up the money if any menace of
silver legislation should lead to re-
newed demands for export.
“It was distinctly understood then
that there should be no more legisla-
tion whatsoever on the subject of sil-
ver this session. Without that under-
standing the bond issue, w’ould not
have been taken " — National Watch-
man.
It produces all wealth.
It pays all the tuxes.
It pays all profits.
It pays all interest.
It pays public, state, county and
municipal debts.
It pays all private debts.
It pays all bonded debts,
It pays all corporate debts.
It pays all salaries.
It pays all w ages.
It pays for all improvements, builds
ships, canals, railroads, everything,
and yet it must ask capital (stored
labor measured by coin) the privilege
to live.—The Load. )
The plutocrats of the east charge
that the income tax is Populistic. Of
course it is Populistic, and so is every
other measure that comes up for ac-
tion that brings with it any relief for
the tax-burdened people. Whenever,
dear reader, you hear of a bill being
introduced in congress favoring “equal
rights to all and special privileges to
none,” rest assured it is Populistic.
Whenever the subsidized press attacks
a measure before congress it is safe to
assume that it is Populistic. In fact,
Populism and the best interests of all
the people are synonymous terms.—
National Watchman.
What are the interests of Senator
Brice? He is a large owner of rail-
road stock. His interests, then, are
rated on freight High or low’ rates?
High, most assuredly. Are you inter-
ested in freight rates? Is the mer-
chant? Is the farmer? Is the manu-
facturer? Then the interests of the
masses, in a measure, are also rates on
freight What kind, high or low?
Low; the lower the better. Has Mr.
Brice introduced a bill to lower
freight rates? Do you think he will
do so? Is it not plain that the inter-
ests of Calvin S. Brice and those of
the people are not identical?—Non-
conformist
Go where you will, you find men
cursing the two old parties and advo-
cating the demands of the People’s
party. On the farms you find that all
confidence is gone in either old party.
On the streets of the cities the same
cry of distrust is heard. The travel-
ing man feels and admits the old par-
ties’ inability to make good their
promises, while the railroad men, al-
most to a man, are advocating gov-
ernment ownership of roads, and em- ^
bracing the People’s party as the only
party favorable to their views. The
observant man must admit that great
changes are near.—People’s Advocate.
Candidates of the two old parties
will Hood every voting place with
whisky to make men drunk in order
that they may obtain votes. It lia9
been done in the past and the present
struggle promises to be the most dis-
graceful ever enacted. No Populist
will furnish one drop of liquor or one
cent in money to corrupt the morals
of the people. Our money will be
spent to educate the voters on the
Questions of the day, in order that
they may cast a free and intelligent
ballot Which is the better way for
the perpetuity of the government?
Honorable methods will triumph.—
People's Advocate.
My old party brother you know you
are not satisfied with the commercial
and social conditions of the country.
I don’t care if your lips do assert that
you are, down in your heart, down in ^
that heart you cannot deceive, you
have a feeling that there is something
wrong. You don’t .ike to see poverty,
hunger and crime stalking the laud.
You say it is the fault of these peo-
ple, but you do not say it with that
impulse that comes of a complete
conviction. You do not approve of
the open bribery of congress by which
a few get millions they never earn,
which means that the many, who are f
poor, lose millions they are entitled
to. 1 say there are times when you
think things on these lines that you
would not for considerable have your
party associates know. They think
the same things but keep it to them-
selves. You are afraid to be out-
t-poken in your thoughts, as it would
subject you to ridicule and probably
financial loss. It takes a hero to defy
public opinion for truth’s sake. And
so you go on supporting a system you
do not like, supporting a party be*
cause you are not able to bruve the ’
ridicule of friends, support a tyranny
because you do not know just how to
change it. A little study of reform
books will do wonders for you, my
friend. Just try it.—Coining Nation.
i
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
Tousley, J. C.; Welsh, J. H. & Tousley, C. C. The Reformer. (Kingfisher, Okla.), Vol. 3, No. 17, Ed. 1 Thursday, October 25, 1894, newspaper, October 25, 1894; Kingfisher, Oklahoma Territory. (https://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc1078559/m1/4/: accessed April 24, 2024), The Gateway to Oklahoma History, https://gateway.okhistory.org; crediting Oklahoma Historical Society.